By Cabeiri deBergh Robinson
This publication presents a desirable examine the production of latest Muslim jihadists. Basing the booklet on her long term fieldwork within the disputed borderlands among Pakistan and India, Cabeiri deBergh Robinson tells the tales of individuals whose lives and households were formed by means of a protracted heritage of political clash. Interweaving old and ethnographic facts, Robinson explains how refuge-seeking has turn into a socially and politically debased perform within the Kashmir area and why this devaluation has grew to become refugee males into power militants. She finds the fraught social strategies during which participants and households produce and preserve a latest jihad, and he or she exhibits how Muslim refugees have solid an Islamic thought of rights—a hybrid of world political beliefs that adopts the language of human rights and humanitarianism as a way to reconsider refugees’ positions in transnational groups. Jihad isn't any longer noticeable as a collective struggle for the sovereignty of the Islamic polity, yet as a substitute as a private fight to set up the safety of Muslim our bodies opposed to political violence, torture, and rape. Robinson describes how this new realizing has contributed to the popularization of jihad within the Kashmir quarter, decentered spiritual associations as regulators of jihad in perform, and grew to become the households of refugee youths into the final word mediators of front into militant corporations. This provocative publication demanding situations the concept that extremism in sleek Muslim societies is the traditional derivative of a conflict of civilizations, of a common Islamist ideology, or of fundamentalist conversion.
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Extra resources for Body of Victim, Body of Warrior: Refugee Families and the Making of Kashmiri Jihadists (South Asia Across the Disciplines)
While this 4 • I n t roduc t ion formulation offered many different ways for people to participate in jihād and produced a significant amount of public support, it also loosened the institutional connections between political parties and militant organizations. Indeed, Kashmiri mujāhids and jihādīs cannot produce themselves through the ideological guidance and bodily disciplining of religious institutions, because this notion of rights was created as a relational concept within and by refugee families.
Successive governments of AJK have struggled to maintain their control as “local authorities,” in the UN treaty terminology, over AJK’s internal administrative structures and governance practices. Formally, AJK operates as a limited parliamentary democracy, as established in the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act, adopted in 1974. The territory of AJK 16 • I n t roduc t ion AFGHANISTAN CHINA N GILGIT-BALTISTAN (NORTHERN AREAS) Gilgit Skardu Line of Control (LoC) PAKISTAN Muzaffarabad KASHMIR VALLEY AKSAI CHIN Kargil Leh Srinagar LADAKH AUTONOMOUS HILL PROVINCE Poonch AZAD JAMMU AND KASHMIR CHINA JAMMU Jammu 0 30 60 mi 0 50 100 km INDIA Map 1.
31 However, the category “Kashmiri” also emerged as a distinct rights-bearing political subject through the cultural, social, and political work of Jammu and Kashmir politicians and political activists who struggled to maintain the Princely State’s categories of legal identification. Through their efforts, the Hereditary State Subject provisions remain wrapped into the political and social fabric of the divided regions of the former state; they undergird struggles for political belonging in ways often obscured by the claims of the postcolonial states of India and Pakistan for legitimacy and domination in the region.